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              <text>Sunday 8th Feb 1863&#13;
	It is Sabbath P.M. and a scene very different here from what it is there.&#13;
	It is 3 o’clk. Frank Crafts is sitting here in our tent talking with Jos H. and I thought I would send a few lines, not a letter for owing to the prospect of moving, we are full of preparation, cleaning up clothes, mending, etc. etc.&#13;
	It is a sunny mild day, but oh the mud and I felt compelled to buy some boots $9.00. This sounds dear but it will be dearer without them. I enclose $5.00 and will more from time to time, reserving a small sum for myself. We rec’d $25.18 to Nov. 1st and hope for more before long.&#13;
	We have various rumors as to our destination, but I think we are going to Suffolk Va, which will enable me to see Frank and Will and be but a short trip, only about 120 miles and little marching. We may go farther south, but I give you the most prevalent surmise. More of one Corps are gone and the deserted camps look dreary enough, but we find a good supply of fuel and of easy access. We may move tomorrow but I think within four or five days at the furthest.&#13;
	We are all in fine health and spirits and are glad to leave this do-nothing and ill-fated place and trust to see something better and less mud.&#13;
	Rec’d a paper with the little book from Mary, many thanks. It brought up old times, for it was one of the first things I noticed in my visit to B.&#13;
	I had hoped to have written you a good letter today, but there’s no settled rest for us at present and I have got things pretty much in order and want to be off, especially if I can meet Frank and Will.&#13;
	I keep the “Dew Drops” in my watch pocket. Pollyanthus can think of it, and I shall thus be reminded constantly of the dear ones at home.&#13;
	Shall expect to hear from you tonight, but we have to get our letters ready by 5 o’clock and mail don’t arrive till evening.&#13;
	I am very comfortably fixed for a move. A new pr. [pair] of pants and other things are all right besides, t’will soon be warmer and Spring with us will be along “right soon”. I long to hear the birds and gather some flowers of “Dixie”, and trust my “flowers” at home will not droop nor fade at my long journeys and absent so far from them, for I think of them constantly. &#13;
	Tell Mary and Hattie I will write them each some time when I can be very interesting.&#13;
	Wrote Abbie a day or two ago and ventured a note to Mr. Ellis, thanking him for his interest in my book affair and recalling the occasion at B. [Possibly Billerica], Mr. S’s ordination.&#13;
	Have had only [one] meal today but shall go about supper soon. Get along very well with two meals. I see by the “Register” that Mr. Chaffee is “settled” as Boston minister. He was at Billerica.&#13;
	Pardon this poor affair for this time. Wish it was more in the spirit of the day, but I do not forget some attention to it be it ever so busy. I send a letter of Henry P. that it might interest you. I think it does finely.&#13;
	A kiss for Lulu and love most abundantly from your affect. [affectionate] husband &#13;
Jerome&#13;
&#13;
Write immediately on receipt of this 8th letter.&#13;
Frank C. wishes to be remembered.</text>
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              <text>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES (Josef Rokus)&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 1: The “Jos. H.” that Jerome referred to in this letter was Joseph H. Peirce. He enlisted as a Private in Orange, Mass., on August 4, 1862, at age 18. Jerome also enlisted in Orange on the same date, but as a corporal. Jerome was 31 years old at the time. According to the Unit History, Joseph H. Peirce was taken Prisoner of War at Pegram Farm, Virginia, on September 30, 1864, (See Letter No. 227) and he was later exchanged. He was discharged on June 21, 1865. Joseph H. Peirce was the son of Joseph Peirce, one of Jerome’s brothers, and was, therefore, his nephew.&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 2: The “Pollyanthus” (correctly spelled “Polyanthus”) is a herbaceous flowering plant which is a hybrid between the wild primrose and primulas. Although it is speculation, he might be referring to keeping some of these flowers (along with “Dew Drops” (possibly also referring to a flower)) in his watch pocket. It is conceivable that Allie and Lulu sent him these flowers in a previous letter. &#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The “Soldier’s Letter, etc.” notation on the envelope was written on the upper right-hand corner of the envelope, where a stamp would normally be affixed. Charles T. Canfield, who was 38 years old and from Worcester, Massachusetts, was the chaplain of the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment from August 28, 1862, until October 20, 1863, when he resigned. The rubber-stamped note “Due 3” was apparently stamped over Canfield’s hand-written note by a post office official. An identical note written by Canfield (and also the “Due 3” note) appears on several of Jerome’s letters. Canfield (and Jerome) apparently believed that this notation would make it unnecessary to affix the three-cent stamp required for a letter at that time. However, it appears that they were mistaken. Whether or not the three cents postage due was actually collected from Allie could not be determined. It is interesting to note that in more recent times, U.S. service personnel in war zones have been allowed free franking privileges by writing “Free” or “Soldier’s Mail” in the area of the envelope where a stamp would normally be affixed. There is also a note on the envelope that reads “No Stamps”.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 4: “Mr. Ellis” was Rev. George E. Ellis, the pastor of the church in Charlestown that the family attended before it moved to Orange, Massachusetts.</text>
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                <text>Could not be determined, possibly Newport News, VA.</text>
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              <text>North Orange Feb 8th 1863&#13;
Mr. Peirce&#13;
Absent but ever remembered friend, as it has been some time since I received a line from you I will pen a few lines to you to cheer you up in your great work, for things are looking decidedly better at this time than they have before. I think your brother Joseph has got a very wrong notion in his head to talk as he does in regard to putting down this Rebellion. It is a great work but it is working at this time well and I think it will continue to work well. J [Jerome’s brother Joseph] met our Sabbath School this day as we continue to meet every two weeks. We had a good number out. &#13;
It is very pleasant and warm here at this time. It appears like April. We have not heard from your family for some little time. My family are all well and join with me in sending our best wishes to you, praying the Lord to bless and prosper you in this great work that you are engaged in.&#13;
It is with a good feeling that I remain your friend&#13;
Caleb Mayo</text>
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              <text>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES (Josef Rokus)&#13;
&#13;
NOTE1: The Sabbath (Sunday) School is mentioned because Jerome was the “Sabbath School Superintendent” in the church in Orange, Massachusetts, before he enlisted. &#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: Caleb Mayo was almost definitely the father of Henry H. Mayo. Henry enlisted at the age of 21 as a corporal in Orange, Massachusetts, on August 4, 1862. Jerome enlisted on the same date. He was killed at the Battle of the Wilderness on May 6, 1864, just a few days before Jerome was killed at Spotsylvania Court House. Caleb Mayo is listed in the 1870 U.S. Census as 60 years old (born about 1810) and living in Orange. It is interesting to note that the census enumerator listed his occupation as “works in furniture shop” because Jerome and his brother Joseph operated a furniture/chair shop in Orange.</text>
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              <text>Newport News 7th Feb 1863&#13;
My very dear Sisters Mary and Hattie,&#13;
Will you accept of a word of thanks, in another letter from me, for your kind letter? I wish I could write you something “real interesting” but the rain is beating in and makes a little blacker mark occasionally as you see, when it strikes my paper.&#13;
Have been waiting for a letter from Will since the fight and you may know I am happy with you that our friends escaped the death blow and I trust they will soon be restored to you and that in God’s good time we shall meet again at the old home in P.V. [Probably Pleasant Valley]&#13;
How I wish you could all be here some sunny days to stroll on this beautiful river beach!  Would we not dream of Powhatan and his daughter, not forgetting the gallant dead who fell near here, Little and Big Bethel. And then how much the wrecks of the Cumberland and Congress bring to mind. And they are both in sight by a few steps walk.&#13;
The river is about 4 miles wide here, a clear expanse of blue water with a forest on the opposite shore and the whole country is dead level with a little unevenness. ‘Twould be a lovely scene, very, but as it is, it is charming and in warm weather with birds, verdure and flowers, a fit use indeed for taste and fashion of Rebeldom, about 40 miles to Richmond.&#13;
When settled we shall be busy with the various duties as at muster, guard and detail of a brigade such as duty at the wharf, for there is much to do. So you must not think unmindful of you but share this letter, as we shall have to be “soldiers” here.&#13;
Tell Will I wish much to hear from him. Wish I could get to him for it is only a few miles to him, 20 or 30, or he to me. Hope to meet them someday yet.&#13;
With the love of your Bro. [Brother]&#13;
Jerome</text>
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&#13;
NOTE 1: His “sisters” were probably actually his sisters-in law Mary Frances Jaquith (Born in 1841) and Harriet (Hattie) Walker Jaquith (Born in 1845).&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: In referring to the “recent fight,” he was referring to the Battle of Big Bethel which was one of the earliest land battles of the Civil War. It took place on the Virginia Peninsula, near Newport News, Virginia, on June 10, 1861.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The union ship Cumberland was rammed and sunk in an engagement with the Confederate ironclad CSS Virginia (formerly USS Merrimack) at Newport News, Virginia on March 8, 1862.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 4: The Union ship Congress was anchored off Newport News, Virginia, as part of the Union blockade of that port on March 8, 1862, when she fell under attack by the Confederate CSS Virginia (ex-USS Merrimack) and five other small ships. After exchanging broadsides with Virginia, Congress slipped her moorings and ran aground in shallow water. The ironclad and her consorts attacked from a distance and inflicted great damage on the ship, killing 120. Ablaze in several places and unable to bring guns to bear on the enemy, Congress was forced to strike her colors and raise a white flag. Heavy shore batteries prevented Virginia from taking possession. Instead she fired several rounds of hot shot and incendiary causing Congress to burn to the water's edge, and her magazine to explode. Eventually, during the battle, Congress sank by the stern.</text>
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              <text>Friday P.M. 6th Feb 1863&#13;
My dearest Allie,&#13;
	It has been a somewhat stormy and exceedingly muddy and uncomfortable day outside and confused generally and I fear I shall not answer yours received last eve (the 9th letter) as it deserves. I cannot express to you my happiness at the thought of your interest in religious matters. Heaven knows I am far, oh how very far, from filling my ideal in such deep concerns, but for all that I am deeply sensible how important the subject is and never more so than since my sojourn in the Army. &#13;
I approve with my whole heart your intentions, and trust you will enjoy so much with Abbie and so find a great helper in these times of deep trial, and I pray that you may find a sustaining power which will enable you to bear up and in every dark hour, and maintain a courage and faith that no affliction or disaster can dispel. &#13;
I hope you will write me as much as possible about [it] and so help me to contend with what is before my trial temptation, and I think I can honestly assure that “temptations”, as commonly understood in the Army, have no charm or effect upon me but to cause me to cling closer to the dear memories of home – blessed word!&#13;
 	My severest trials here are those of patience and temper, but I trust I will not go backward at least. I pass much of my time alone with my books or in thought as I stroll about in my various duties and in the late quiet camp life. I can hardly be said to have lived, here my best thoughts and feelings have flown to you and the many dear friends at home. You ask me to mention some book in the New Testament for your attentions. If you desire discussion and subject for thought, I would recommend the Epistle of Romans. You have the commentary on the same in our Library, which will help you, which contains the life of St. Paul, which will bear a careful study, the grand intellectual apostle and earnest man. I admire his character much. I have read the Romans since I have been in the Army. You know it contains more upon which the great divisions exist between the Unitarian and Orthodox. Sometime I will try and mention particular chapters. But always bear in mind the simple and beautiful words of the Savior when you find difficulties and the Polyglot bible (mine is one, you know) will enable you to compare texts. I have before mentioned how much I wish I had brought a small copy of the whole bible for I used to teach often to the grand sentences of the Prophet Isiah in particular.&#13;
	I am so glad you are favorably impressed with your new pastor and I cannot tell you how it sustains me to think of you and Lulu under the serene and holy influence of a regular attendance on worship of your choice and this thought makes me bear up and resolve to do what little I can to sustain the glorious institutions of N. England and resist the efforts of the vile traitors who would subvert them and erect barbarism instead. When the disaster at F. [Fredericksburg] took place and the blunders which have followed since I have felt at times discouraged but I trust I have imbibed a fresh spirit and hope to endure to the end and this brings me to the latest news, viz. We were paid off last eve to Nov. 1st /62 $25.13 and now we expect in a few days to report at Fortress Monroe without delay which may be within or even less than a week. From there we join the Blackwater Army (so Capt. S says) which is to assault south of Richmond.&#13;
 	So sudden came change here, I fear my furlough will “come tardy off” but I think for the public good all’s for the best for I am convinced that the Va. campaign is and will be a shameful failure which the same power can be more effectively used to sever the Capital from the “Confederacy” and so cripple the rebels to the ending of the conflict. &#13;
There is much that is doubtful to speculation yet but part of our division is already on the move and little doubt exists as to our leaving soon. One sign is that we are having “any quantity” of rations dealt out to us which always precedes a movement, load the men and so reduce the number of teams. &#13;
Have been very busy today washing and fixing up my things and knapsack, etc. J. H. has gone “on guard” where I was the other night and at present I am alone by a warm fire, my flannels appended overhead drying while before me a bread box is covered with [???] blouse, cap, and stationery. Bought a lot today. I will send you some money soon. Am hesitating about buying boots here, have got along very well so far by drawing shoes about once a month, a dear way I fear, but they are very easy for marching, rather think I shall get me a pair. Jos. H. will. I wish I could send you the whole, but I need very much a little by me. Will do the best I can. I do not desire the voyage around Cape Hatteras this season but many brave men have been there and we can. I have learned to look these changes and duties in the face and though my slight vision of a furlough and home was a happy one and carries its keen regret at the prospect of failure, I feel compensated by the thought of being more useful and I trust successful and finally I hope to meet you sometime in better days and it would not surprise to have the order countermanded, so uncertain are all the movements here.&#13;
	J. H. has written which will explain itself. To Mary and Hattie I would say that they know full well I intend a word to them always, even if I do not address them separately and I think of them as of old.&#13;
	If we go to New Bern, I hope to see James Walker also Walter Everett (1st Lieut.) in the Fifth and possibly to meet Frank and Will. Wrote the latter last eve.&#13;
	What letters did I send you last? I intended to have sent one of Henry P.’s but found it here after I mailed yours. Will send Kale’s with Georgie’s first effort. Tell Lulu Papie would “come home” and see his darlings but she must remember me and love me just the same and when old enough feel proud that her father was a soldier and could ensure a little for a good cause. Will send things for wreathes etc. I am glad you are so successful in making them. &#13;
With the entire love your husband &#13;
Jerome</text>
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Notation on left margin of Page 1: “(7th ???)” [Refers to a sequential number used by Jerome at times to track his letters.]</text>
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&#13;
NOTE 1: The “Jos. H.” or “J. H.” that Jerome referred to in this letter was Joseph H. Peirce. He enlisted as a Private in Orange, Mass., on August 4, 1862, at age 18. Jerome also enlisted in Orange on the same date, but as a corporal. Jerome was 31 years old at the time. According to the Unit History, Joseph H. Peirce was taken Prisoner of War at Pegram Farm, Virginia, on September 30, 1864, (See Letter No. 227) and he was later exchanged. He was discharged on June 21, 1865. Joseph H. Peirce was the son of Joseph Peirce, one of Jerome’s brothers, and was, therefore, Jerome’s nephew.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: Mary and Hattie (Nickname for Harriet] were sisters of Abbie. Abbie moved in with her parents after Jerome enlisted. Mary and Hattie were also living in the parents’ home at the time.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The “Soldier’s Letter, etc.” notation on the envelope was written on the upper right-hand corner of the envelope, where a stamp would normally be affixed. Charles T. Canfield, who was 38 years old and from Worcester, Massachusetts, was the chaplain of the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment from August 28, 1862, until October 20, 1863, when he resigned. The rubber-stamped note “Due 3” was apparently stamped over Canfield’s hand-written note by a post office official. An identical note written by Canfield (and also the “Due 3” note) appears on several of Jerome’s letters. Canfield (and Jerome) apparently believed that this notation would make it unnecessary to affix the three-cent stamp required for a letter at that time. However, it appears that they were mistaken. Whether or not the three cents postage due was actually collected from Allie could not be determined. It is interesting to note that in more recent times, U.S. service personnel in war zones have been allowed free franking privileges by writing “Free” or “Soldier’s Mail” in the area of the envelope where a stamp would normally be affixed. There is also a faint note on the envelope that reads “No Stamps”.</text>
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
	&#13;
New Milldale, Miss. 30th July 1863&#13;
Ever dear Wife&#13;
I must send you a few lines if not of interest or news except that I am well and having the quietest idlest possible time. Still at the hospital, but no new cases and the one remaining a light case and doing nicely. We hope the disease is permanently stayed and that we shall soon be relieved and on our way out of this land of heat and small afflictions, such as fleas, mosquitoes and flies which keep us fretting day and night.&#13;
I am sitting at the door of my teak and mahogany table top resting on four sticks securing for a desk, your four last letters pressed under “Mrs. Hemans Poems” with writing paper, case of memorandum books, a tin plate etc. etc., making a shabby looking office. Woodward (Hiram) is lying down behind me. Nothing but the murmur of the camp and the twittering of birds serves to indicate the habitation of living things. ’Tis about 2 o’clk P.M. and all is silent enough. Still waiting for transports and today they say word has come by telegraph that they will be at the landing by tomorrow eve or Sat. morn. I only hope ‘twill prove true for we are entirely ready to leave this country where everything breathes of lassitude and silence.&#13;
I think the sick generally are doing pretty very well. Capt. Sawyer has a fever. Can’t hear much about him but expect he too is gaining. He is a very nervous, excitable man which of course is not well for sickness.&#13;
You spoke once that I did not say much about him of late. Well, my situation leaves me very little to do with the Co. having no duty only when the Regt moves, and I see but little of him when in such movements as of late having more to do with Capt. Smith of the Color Co. and the rest I will not speak of here, not but what we are entirely friendly as I don’t allow myself to be any other way, if possible with any of the officers but you know all men will not wear well or retain the nearest place for any long period. We’ve no officers of our own now Capt. S[mith] sick. Lieut. Howe dead. Lieut. Chipman of Co. A is commanding the Co. and Lieut. Sibley is second. &#13;
My thoughts visit you in Billerica where I trust you are enjoying yourselves and in [good] health. Would I not fly to meet you if possible! No papers. Yes, I receive the Register, but no late papers and all news comes by hearsay or in letters, and it seems like being out of the world.&#13;
Took a stroll out of camp more than a mile the other day. Got a few green apples for a fry that went nicely yesterday. Woodward got some corn, so we had boiled corn that was a treat. We lay here, read, chat, cook, write etc., so time goes. Heavy showers of lately and quite a cool breeze today.&#13;
Suppose you’ve heard all about the sad times in Orange (No. [North]) David Miller’s death, Mayo’s insanity. Sad times! and then the draft. But let us hope for an early and peace and sunshine once more after a season. I do hope Joe will escape for he is so needed at home. Frank’s last letter is before me and this must serve for all as I am hard up somewhat for stationery, but if he must come, I trust some way will be provided and that they will be resigned, but I pray daily for a close and no trust, honor, commission would induce me to remain a day longer.&#13;
Col. Bowman has resigned and returned with us. Had command of the brigade but I suspect a [???] took place somewhere in the Jackson expedition.&#13;
	What shall we say of those who escape by paying the draft? What do they think its effect on those in the field, throwing the work on the poor, hardy men who have house and dear ones as well as they? Some I can see some excuse for perhaps, but what can the volunteers think about it?&#13;
 I suppose everybody is off for the country. White, Hill etc. etc. Shall write Foster’s folks ere long. Have not seen Alonzo for a week. You must excuse this paper. It came out of an old record book and I found it in the woods, wet and soiled but ‘twill do for this time. &#13;
Hope soon to be where I can purchase ink and paper, so I ventured Ink this time. &#13;
If we move up the river don’t know when we shall receive a mail. Rec’d yours of the 13th with Mrs. Ellis’ and have answered it. Don’t say any more about going West, you take matters too seriously altogether. &#13;
Your last came in eight days to C. Have been reading Lulu’s book and Mrs. Heman’s today. Shall try hard to send them home for her sometime.&#13;
Love to each and all and as ever,&#13;
Your own loving,&#13;
Jerome&#13;
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&#13;
NOTE 1: The mention of him being in the hospital refers to the fact that he had temporarily been assigned as a hospital steward to take care of smallpox patients according to a previous letter.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: The following excerpt from the Unit History (Page 71) describes the conditions in the Regiment toward the end of July 1863. “On July 23rd at eleven o’clock AM, after a match of fourteen miles, [we] arrived at the old camp at Milldale. The condition of the regiment at this time was miserable indeed. Sixteen cases of small-pox and varioloid (See below), three being officers, were under treatment, and the regimental hospital was filled with sick. The adjutant’s morning report of July 24th was as follows: 6 officers and 98 men present sick, 63 men absent in hospitals, and 25 officers and 343 men present for duty. It was a season of general depression among all, and the only thing to relieve the gloom was the prospect of a speedy departure for the North, an event most anxiously awaited and desired.”&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The term “varioloid” was a common 19th century name for smallpox, but in the following century, the term would be used more specifically to describe milder forms of the disease that occurred in previously vaccinated individuals. &#13;
Smallpox was a devastating disease. On average, three out of every ten people who contracted it died. Those who survived were usually left with scars, which were sometimes severe, and some were left blind.&#13;
The basis for vaccination began in 1796 when an English doctor, Edward Jenner observed that milkmaids who had gotten cowpox did not show any symptoms of smallpox. However, widespread vaccinations did not occur until considerably later. &#13;
During the Civil War, it was standard practice to physically separate the men who had contracted the disease in an area away from the main part of the camp to prevent its spread.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 4: Felicia Dorothea Hemans (1793 - 1835) was an English poet. Her works appeared in nineteen books during her lifetime. After her death, they were republished widely, usually as collections of individual lyrics and not the longer, annotated works and integrated series that made up her books.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 5: Second Lieutenant Hiram C. Woodward enlisted at a relatively old age of 40 on July 31, 1862, from Orange, Massachusetts, and served in Co. H of the 36th Massachusetts Regiment, as did Jerome. He died on August 10, 1863, at Camp Dennison, Ohio, a few days before Jerome wrote this letter. He had been assigned temporarily with Jerome to work in the small smallpox hospital at an earlier camp. The “hospital” consisted of a regular tent physically located some distance away from the main camp to help minimize the spread of infection.&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 6: James B. Smith enlisted at age 23 from Cambridge, Massachusetts. He was appointed Captain, Company K, on August 22, 1862. Smith was wounded at the Battle of Pegram Farm in Virginia on September 30, 1864, but was mustered out with the Regiment on June 8, 1864, as a Major. He was subsequently promoted to Brevet Colonel for “gallant and meritorious service.”&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 7: William L. Howe enlisted as a Private from Orange, Massachusetts, on August 4, 1862. He was promoted to Second Lieutenant on January 30, 1863. Howe died of disease at Milldale, Mississippi, om July 7, 1863.&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 8: George L. Chipman enlisted at age 28 as a Second Lieutenant from Fitchburg, Massachusetts. He was promoted to First Lieutenant on August 22, 1862, and served as Acting Adjutant from September 7, 1862, until December 10, 1862. Chipman resigned on October 23, 1863.&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 9: Frederick H. Sibley enlisted from Fitchburg, Massachusetts, at age 24 as a Sergeant in the 15th Massachusetts Regiment on July 12, 1861, and was transferred as a Second Lieutenant to Company I of the 36th Massachusetts Regiment on August 22, 1862. He was subsequently promoted to First Lieutenant on August 2, 1863. Sibley died in the U.S. General Hospital in Louisville, Kentucky, of disease contracted during the Mississippi campaign on August 12, 1863.</text>
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
&#13;
								Monday morning July 27th [1863]&#13;
Last eve. after I closed yours, yours of 13th with one from Billerica came to hand and I was of course much interested in all your moves. Lulu is certainly a prize and I hope she will be as good a girl as she seems attractive.&#13;
	I think, as I before mentioned, that I have all your letters. The mail is sometimes delayed but it comes at last. I receive the “Register” regularly.&#13;
	I know the draft is making a stir but if the people expect to save and have a country, they must meet it, for those in the field are becoming weary and worn while others have remained with their loved ones at home and have we not such? I wish with all my heart that we were keeping house and could have cousin Lottie with us but it don’t seem so ordered but I trust she will find some pleasant and easy lot. My love to her.&#13;
	I suppose you have heard ere this the news from Orange. David Miller was shot dead at Port Hudson on picket. Dan’l. Mayo is crazy from [???]. Sad times.&#13;
	Jos. H. came to see me last eve. Had a drenching rain after I closed my letter last eve. and wet everything thru as my tent blew away.&#13;
	Your letter came thru in eight days being directed to Cairo. It seemed good to hear so lately.&#13;
	Must close as I am a little short of paper just now. Am not [sure] where I can buy any. (have plenty of money), but I shall get some by and by.&#13;
	Shall send with this my “diary”. Am keeping another which Alonzo gave me. [‘Tis] dirty and worn but you will see a little (what with my letters) I’ve been doing.&#13;
								Jerome</text>
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&#13;
NOTE 1: The year that this letter was written is not indicated on the letter. However, a review of the calendars for 1862 through 1864 for which Mondays fell on May 27 shows that it must have been written in 1863. That conclusion is confirmed by a comparison of the contents of this letter versus the contents of the letters written before and after this one. &#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: The “Jos. H.” that Jerome referred to in this letter was Joseph H. Peirce. He enlisted as a Private in Orange, Mass., on August 4, 1862, at age 18. Jerome also enlisted in Orange on the same date, but as a corporal. Jerome was 31 years old at the time. According to the Unit History, Joseph H. Peirce was taken Prisoner of War at Pegram Farm, Virginia, on September 30, 1864, (See Letter No. 227) and he was later exchanged. He was discharged on June 21, 1865. Joseph H. Peirce was the son of Joseph Peirce, one of Jerome’s brothers, and was, therefore, Jerome’s nephew.&#13;
 &#13;
NOTE 3: The “Alonzo” Jerome referred to in his letters was Seth Alonzo Ranlett. Ranlett enlisted in Co. B of the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment as a Private on July 24, 1862, at age 22, and he was from Charlestown, Massachusetts. He was promoted to First Sergeant on August 27, 1862, and was commissioned as a First Lieutenant on December 1, 1862. On December 17, 1862, he was appointed Adjutant of the Regiment. He was mustered out “on account of physical disability from disease incurred in the service” on February 20, 1864.&#13;
Ranlett was born on March 18, 1840, in Charlestown, Massachusetts, and he died May 21, 1905, in Newton, Massachusetts. Ranlett’s wife was Ellen Peirce Ranlett, with a date of birth of March 22, 1842, and a date of death of January 12, 1914. They were married on January 21, 1864. Ellen Peirce was one of the children of Foster Peirce and his wife Catherine Abby Beaman. Also, Foster Peirce was a brother of Jerome. Therefore, the Ellen that Jerome mentions in his letters was one of Jerome’s nieces, and starting on January 21, 1864, Alonzo was the husband of one of his nieces.</text>
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
&#13;
New Milldale, Missi[ssippi] Sunday P.M.&#13;
July 26th 1863&#13;
My ever dear Wife,&#13;
How shall I tell you the relief I feel to be again quietly in camp and to get breath that is not tainted with either dust or gunpowder? We left here the P.M. of the 4th and ever since it has been one incessant strain on the strength and you will receive some hasty account of it perchance taken at different places. We went for work in light marching order. “Ruf and ready” was the word every moment. &#13;
Well, it is another Sabbath, a lovely one, quite warm this A.M., but now P.M., we are having a gentle cooling shower. Fri[day] I had just closed your last letter and marked a headboard for poor Buxton when the order came, “Detailed for the Varioloid Hospital!” I trust you will not be alarmed at this for I am in good health and constantly in the open air with plenty of means to bathe and take every precaution and I have no fears, but shall try and do my best for the poor fellows. I tell you just how things are and we must trust to the same good hand that has led me so far in health and safety. &#13;
Capt. Hastings of Co[mpany] ‘I’ is the chief, having just recovered from a light case. A most excellent, genial and Christian man. H.C. Woodward is the other and we three are the “attendants”. The ‘Hospital’ is nothing more or less than our shelter tents pitched high up from the ground and about fifty rods from the camp near the woods, a very pleasant spot. &#13;
Yesterday the patients, fifteen in number, were removed and [the] orders came to cleanse and clean up so P.M. was a busy time. Expected the regt. was to move (Dr. Tyler is here talking) but, lo, this noon came a fresh case from Co. ‘C’ and when the thing will end we don’t know.&#13;
We are having an easy time at present and yesterday got our “Descriptive List”, a doc[ument] which enables us to draw our pay wherever we may be and what all detailed men receive. &#13;
On the whole, after such a road-weary time as I have had of late, I feel quite as well off and yet we all desire first and last to get back north. But we must wait, wait patiently, for the end and am I not having an experience? How much I could tell you if I could only be with you, that I cannot even think of. I think of much when on the march or when in my tent abed and I think I will surely speak of that in my next [letter] and then when duties come, all’s gone.&#13;
Abbie tells me, and you too mentioned it, that Aunt Wyman has passed on. Well she is at rest. I fear I shall never have any opportunity to see any of her relatives about Yazoo City as we shall doubtless leave here as soon as the case will allow and [as] for the Rebels in this state, they seem to be scattered to the four winds. &#13;
It is a strange scene here at Jackson. I mentioned how the soldiers “foraged”, “confiscated” ([in] polite terms!). All along the country you see books among other things. A man will take them a little ways and get tired and away it goes for the next one. Fine libraries seem to be the great thing with the first classes here, and choice books are easily obtained. I am now writing on a copy of Mrs. Hemans poems, same edition that sister Kate has. Shall try and get it home but hardly expect to. Got Lulu’s book in the same way. We have a stray vol[ume] of the Waverly Novels, fine large edition. Also Sparks’ “American Biography” and so on. Account books, letters, Masonic records, etc. etc. without number, [are] scattered through the camps. And such is war! May I never participate in another! &#13;
But what of home and all the dear ones there? And what of the public affairs? We have had glowing accounts of the fighting in Penn[sylvania] and a victory over Lee and then comes a “modification”. How we pray that he may be totally destroyed and an end come to this most wicked affair. To stand at the graves of our boys and think of it, the heart aches. &#13;
Poor [Augustus] Bliss. I seldom or never felt so sad towards one who was not a relative. He was beautiful in death, fair as marble but, oh, the aching hearts at home. He was always dutiful and prompt and kept clear of the vices of Army life but his work is nobly done and it is well. He lies nearby at the edge of the woods where the birds are singing and noble trees wavering over him. &#13;
We have one of our Co. down with the varioloid, a severe case, Corpl. Sawin of Westminster, another fine fellow. &#13;
But I was talking about home and I need not tell you how much my mind dwells there and if we remain quietly here by the sick how eagerly the mail will be watched. No excitement of the march, nothing but frailty for companions, as the men don’t come here any more than possible, of course.&#13;
I was much surprised and grieved at Dr. Willis’ death and he must be a great loss to the community and we feel as tho a friend had gone.&#13;
The funeral services here are necessarily simple and brief. A rough box is all for a coffin. The chaplain recited an appropriate Psalm and prayer and slowly the ‘boys’ move back to camp and all of earth is closed with the weary soldier boy!&#13;
But I am growing tired and perhaps sad. I have spoken freely, Allie, because I know you will wish to know the truth and will have the fortitude to bear all. War and its horrors are a family theme now and many shadows are abroad all over our land, and we must look at and keep a hopeful spirit. I feel that I am being schooled, for what I cannot tell. &#13;
I hope to receive another mail before we leave here. Shall feel very anxious to hear from you and about Lulu. Give her a kiss for Papa. Tell her I shook hands with a little Mississippi girl the other day. She was very pretty. We were resting beside the road at “Cameron’s Plantation” (the last halt) and she came out with her father, for she looked like him. Could not quite understand her name but it sounded like On-lulu. Told her she had shaken the hand of a Mass. man and her father said the one she loved best, next, of course, to her parents, was a Mass. lady from Fall River, who was her teacher but [she] returned home when the war commenced. Told [her] of my little Lulu but she went bounding off after her papa. &#13;
I sent you in my last (of last Fri[day] 24th) Mr. Gerry’s poem in dialogs between mother and child with some little cuts from the same paper.&#13;
Tell Abbie and other friends I will write soon. Excuse the looks. Campaigning is hard on writing materials.&#13;
Ben E. is well. Shall not see much of him for the present. &#13;
Now, Allie, keep up good heart and don’t let imagination add perils. Danger in some form is our lot and I have become used to it. Shall take the best care of myself possible and write as often as I can.&#13;
Give love to all. Have not seen Alonzo for two days.&#13;
Accept with the entire love of your husband,&#13;
Jerome&#13;
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              <text>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES (Josef Rokus)&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 1: The following excerpt from the Unit History (Page 71) describes the conditions in the Regiment toward the end of July 1863. “On July 23rd at eleven o’clock AM, after a match of fourteen miles, [we] arrived at the old camp at Milldale. The condition of the regiment at this time was miserable indeed. Sixteen cases of small-pox and varioloid, three being officers, were under treatment, and the regimental hospital was filled with sick. The adjutant’s morning report of July 24th was as follows: 6 offices and 98 men present sick, 63 men absent in hospitals, and 25 officers and 343 men present for duty. It was a season of general depression among all, and the only thing to relieve the gloom was the prospect of a speedy departure for the North, an event most anxiously awaited and desired.”&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2:  In reference to Jerome making a headboard for “poor Buxton,” the Unit History states that Charles W. Buxton died of disease on July 23, 1863. He had enlisted at age 18 from Phillipston, Massachusetts, as a Private and was assigned to Company H, the same company that Jerome served with.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The term “varioloid” was a common 19th century name for smallpox, but in the following century, the term would be used more specifically to describe milder forms of the disease that occurred in previously vaccinated individuals. &#13;
Smallpox was a devastating disease. On average, three out of every ten people who contracted it died. Those who survived were usually left with scars, which were sometimes severe, and some were left blind.&#13;
The basis for vaccination began in 1796 when an English doctor, Edward Jenner observed that milkmaids who had gotten cowpox did not show any symptoms of smallpox. However, widespread vaccinations did not occur until considerably later. &#13;
During the Civil War, it was standard practice to physically separate the men who had contracted the disease in an area away from the main part of the camp to prevent its spread.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 4:  According to the Unit History, both of the other two “attendants” who worked with Jerome in the “Varioloid Hospital” died from illnesses not long after this letter was written. The exact causes of death are not specified in the Unit History; however, it is possible that they contracted smallpox while caring for the smallpox victims as described in this letter.&#13;
	“Capt. Hastings” was Christopher S. Hastings. He joined the Union Army at the relatively advanced age of 48 from Berlin, Massachusetts, on August 22. 1862. He died at the Mound City, Illinois, General Hospital on Sept. 8, 1863. According to the Unit History, “He was the senior officer, in years, in the regiment, and was universally respected. His age exempted him from military service, but he obeyed the instincts of patriotism and yielded his life at his country’s call. His fellow citizens bestowed upon him important trusts, which he fulfilled with rare fidelity. He was a brave, cheerful, patriotic man, winning the affection of men, who regarded him as a father.”&#13;
	“H.C. Woodward” was Hiram C. Woodward. He also enlisted at a relatively old age, i.e., 40, on July 31, 1862, from Orange, Massachusetts, and served in Co. H of the 36th Massachusetts Regiment, as did Jerome. He died on August 10, 1863, at Camp Dennison, Ohio.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 5: The “Dr. Tyler” mentioned in this letter was Warren Tyler, who joined the Union Army from North Brookfield, Massachusetts, on August 21, 1862, as an Assistant Surgeon of the 36th Massachusetts Regiment. He resigned on October 20, 1863. He was subsequently appointed as an Assistant Surgeon in the 57th Massachusetts Volunteers Regiment, but he declined the commission.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 6: Felicia Dorothea Hemans (1793 - 1835) was an English poet. Her works appeared in nineteen books during her lifetime. After her death, they were republished widely, usually as collections of individual lyrics and not the longer, annotated works and integrated series that made up her books.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 7: In writing about the “glowing accounts of the fighting in Pennsylvania and a victory over Lee,” he was referring to the Battle of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, which resulted in a decisive Union victory on July 3, 1863.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 8: Augustus E. Bliss enlisted as a Private at age 18 from Orange, Massachusetts, on August 4, 1862, the same date that Jerome enlisted. He died of disease on July 24, 1863, at Milldale, Mississippi. &#13;
&#13;
NOTE 9: Harrison P. Sawin enlisted from Westminster, Massachusetts, at age 21. He died of disease on November 24, 1862, at Knoxville, Maryland.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 10: The “Ben” referred to in this letter was Benjamin B. Edmands. He enlisted as a Private at age 27 from Brookline, Massachusetts, and he was subsequently promoted to Corporal. On January 20, 1864, he was discharged from the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment for promotion as a Lieutenant in the 54th Massachusetts Regiment of Volunteers.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 11: Abbie (Abigail) Jaquith was Allie’s younger sister. Abbie was born in 1836, and she died in 1915. Allie (Albinia) was born in 1834, and she died in 1920.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 12: The “Alonzo” Jerome referred to in his letters was Seth Alonzo Ranlett. Ranlett enlisted in Co. B of the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment as a Private on July 24, 1862, at age 22, and he was from Charlestown, Massachusetts. He was promoted to First Sergeant on August 27, 1862, and was commissioned as a First Lieutenant on December 1, 1862. On December 17, 1862, he was appointed Adjutant of the Regiment. He was mustered out “on account of physical disability from disease incurred in the service” on February 20, 1864.&#13;
Ranlett was born on March 18, 1840, in Charlestown, Massachusetts, and he died May 21, 1905, in Newton, Massachusetts. Ranlett’s wife was Ellen Peirce Ranlett, with a date of birth of March 22, 1842, and a date of death of January 12, 1914. They were married on January 21, 1864. Ellen Peirce was one of the children of Foster Peirce and his wife Catherine Abby Beaman. Also, Foster Peirce was a brother of Jerome. Therefore, the Ellen that Jerome mentions in his letters was one of Jerome’s nieces, and starting on January 21, 1864, Alonzo was the husband of one of his nieces.</text>
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
&#13;
									Wedns 22nd [July 1863]&#13;
My dear Allie,&#13;
Early morning. No chance to mail this so I add a line. A hot tiresome march from the R [Rail] Road to the old camp and then on Monday morn. and Tuesday to this place, Big Black River, on our way to Vicksburg where we expect to take transfers for the North at some point on the Ohio [River].&#13;
A sad, terrible march for the men, many dying on the way of exhaustion and dysentery, but I am still preserved in excellent health. Obtained a little help by a ride on J.H.’s team yesterday P.M. and expect to jog on early today. &#13;
I need not tell you how welcome your letter of the 6th July from Billerica, reading as while halting for dinner and everything seems more and more to the crushing out of the rebellion “right soon”. The North seems at last awake and things this way are decidedly “all up” for the rebels and their cause and the prisoners taken all curse the whole thing and wish an end. &#13;
‘Twas a Mass. [Massachusetts] Regt. [Regiment] that planted the flag at Jackson [Mississippi]. The 35th [Massachusetts] Regt. made a charge into the city.&#13;
No more now. Shall mail this the first opportunity. A thousand thanks for Frank’s photograph! &#13;
&#13;
Fri. 24th&#13;
Dear Allie,&#13;
	At the old camp scene Milldale! and no opportunity to mail this and just now it is announced that no more mail can go yet as I expect we leave for the transports to go up the river.&#13;
	We may rest a day or two. I cannot tell you half I wish to but I keep writing a little that it may reach you sometime. This morn. yours of the 9th July came, also Abbie’s of the same date and a “Register”.&#13;
	We long to get home and settle near together with other young friends of ours. No, Allie, give me dear Old Mass. We’ve had a terrible sad time in this Jackson [Mississippi] campaign, and I cannot write you the scenes of marching. Young Bliss of Orange is now lying dead a little way from me to be buried today. Died last night from brain fever. I saw him in the eve. and how I felt for his friends! He was a faithful soldier and a good boy and will find rest. He was [a] brother, you know, to Maria Bliss, the teacher. We have lost two others from our Co. [Company]…&#13;
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&#13;
NOTE 1: This letter is apparently not complete, with a section or page missing at the end.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: The “J.H.” that Jerome referred to in this letter was Joseph H. Peirce. He enlisted as a Private in Orange, Mass., on August 4, 1862, at age 18. Jerome also enlisted in Orange on the same date, but as a corporal. Jerome was 31 years old at the time. According to the Unit History, Joseph H. Peirce was taken Prisoner of War at Pegram Farm, Virginia, on September 30, 1864, (See Letter No. 227) and he was later exchanged. He was discharged on June 21, 1865. Joseph H. Peirce was the son of Joseph Peirce, one of Jerome’s brothers, and was, therefore, Jerome’s nephew.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: Augustus E. Bliss enlisted on August 4, 1862, at age 18 from Orange, Massachusetts. The Unit History confirms that he died from disease on July 24, 1863, at Milldale, Mississippi. The 1860 U.S. Census shows that Maria was a sister of Augustus, two years older than he, and that their father was a farmer in Orange. Augustus Bliss and Jerome enlisted on the same day and likely were friends even before they enlisted.&#13;
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
&#13;
Missi Central R. Road, 8 miles from Jackson, Sunday Morning&#13;
     19 July 1863&#13;
My dearest Allie,&#13;
	Since my last another change, and move, and I send a few lines altho’ don’t know when it will be mailed. I wrote you last, last Wedns. that night about 10 o’clk and all the men remaining in camp able to do duty were detailed for Picket duty. “Color Guard” and all, so we remained about a mile from Camp till dark Thurs Eve. I was on the “Reserve”, and did nothing but act as one of an “escort” to Col. Lasine who came by to visit his Brigade on the extreme left of our lines. Another incident, while we were gone, the rebs threw 32 lb. solid shot into our Camp so you see the protecting hand over me. &#13;
 	Fri. morning. Great cheering on the Right! and behold, Jackson is evacuated!!  The Rebs have skedaddled, and our boys are in the City, and ransacking and even burning a portion of the City and dense columns of smoke roll up and the boys come pouring into Camp with various trophies, and sugar, any amount. Well, it is the state of the Arch Traitor himself, and no mercy, altho’ the guards try to protect, as much as possible.&#13;
I did not leave Camp, as I never do, or very seldom. Pack up and start is the word and about 11 o’clk, we moved off for “Grant’s Ford” on the Pearl River to intercept the rebs. Marched some ten miles and rested while the Pioneers went forward to build a bridge. But soon came the order (Sat. morn) to move, and we went “across [???]” at this point where we arrived last eve just before dark, some ten miles from yesterday morning’s Camp. It is expected we leave today for somewhere, we hope “up the river.” From all accounts the Rebel Army is demoralized and dispersed, and news keeps coming of successes, which we receive with caution. This morning, “they say,” Charleston, S.C. is ours!&#13;
Well, my Allie, can you realize what a tiresome, busy time we’re having? Our stop near J.[Jackson???] gave me an opportunity of [???] up as I had lacked appetite for some days before, but altho’ “hard tack” is scarce (we’ve been on “half rations” since we came here) we have an abundance of fresh meat, (as they drive the cattle along and butcher every night), and we manage to procure plenty of corn, and roast or boil it, and a few potatoes. The change proved an excellent thing for me, and I am feeling as well as I have at any time.&#13;
We are now camped beside the railroad, on a level plain with thick grass and woods on the rear. It is cloudy and cool and very comfortable. Now there are many questions I ought to answer. I have written to Dan P.[,] Jamestown. Had a letter from Bowen a few days since. Said it had been received but they couldn’t make him (Dan) write his friends. Did not speak very encouraging[ly] of him (D). Had a nice letter from Charles Smith on Fri. when we got in from Picket. Tell him I got the “Liberator” (Garrison‘s Papers) while on the Morgan scout in Ky. I have every reason to believe I receive, “after a while”, all my mail matter and what a comfort. But, now we are constantly on the move, and get very tired and cannot write all I desire to. You will readily see the state of the [???].&#13;
Jos. H. came to see me yesterday. He is well, but has been “driven to death” of late is driving for the 79th N.Y. Regt. 3rd Brigade (we’re the 1st). Said he had had no time to write home for many days. I try, and do write his folks as often as I can. He is all right and well and more manly than ever.  Wrote to Billerica on a day or two ago. I write them regularly. Shall write to Foster’s family again soon, wrote them just before we crossed the “Big Black.” Am delighted with the photographs of Kate and Ellen, excellent. Wish I had your own. &#13;
Of Alonzo, he is well, and bears his work finely and I see him almost every hour. So, his friends can consider him as well, up and doing and rides a fine “bay” horse, and yesterday had a pretty “bouquet” hanging to his sword hilt, where obtained I know not.&#13;
Well, Allie, I must close for now for I want to wash up and get some water for our canteen, so to be ready. Here is a sketch of my shelter this morning. Here you see me, rubber blanket pitched with guns and sticks and so with you a Kiss adieu&#13;
								Jerome&#13;
&#13;
P.S. There are some pretty flowers here.&#13;
Prairie flowers. The purple fade[s] out if I attempt to press them. I enclose some pink, very pretty, as they look in the field. Hope they reach you in good condition.&#13;
J[Jerome]&#13;
&#13;
We think it a good joke feeding on Jeff’s Corn. &#13;
&#13;
P.S. 2nd Noon   The men have come in and we go to Jackson this P.M. Have just got hold of a book by Mary Howitt for children which I shall try and send home to Lulu, a pretty book with pictures. ‘Twas got at Jackson. Don’t say much for I may have to leave it. Had boiled corn, peach sauce and meat for dinner. Rumor says, five of Johnson’s Regts. came in and gave themselves up today. A mail is awaiting us at J. [Jackson]. Very hot today. &#13;
&#13;
Transcriber’s Note: This is the end of page 6. The text does not seem to follow. Perhaps some text is missing. The following is the start of page 7.&#13;
&#13;
And Capt. S. is hardly expected to recover. Oh, it is a sad time, but as you said in yours, before this, I am in the hands of the good father and so far have been spared marvelously, for I am quite, yes, very well indeed, only a little weak, and languid from the heat, but appetite is good. I rode on teams [of horses], and had my things carried the last two days. Did not allow myself to get fatigued. Now, I hope we will soon be further North and I shall take a furlough the first favorable chance.&#13;
Dear little Lulu. I thought she was in perfect health! Do take care of her, perhaps the salt water air will be good for her. I send her some little pictures from the “S.[Sabbath] School Gazette”. Allie, this is a poor scrawl but have got much to attend to today, for we are all in a poor condition. after the long, dusty marches. I have often told you not to be alarmed at my long silence, so I trust you have not been so. I have always tried to keep my letters to you often and regular but it was impossible to do differently this time. Thanks to sister Abbie for the contents of her letter. &#13;
Yours, once more, and ever&#13;
Jerome&#13;
&#13;
P.S. Ben E. [Edmands] has come in, and brought some ripe figs! Delicious! I wish you could taste! Says he hopes he will not do anything to influence me to your grief. Sends regards.&#13;
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              <text>LETTER TRANSCRIPTION&#13;
&#13;
Transcriber’s Note: The parts of the letter that precede this page are apparently missing.&#13;
 &#13;
											Jul 15, 1863&#13;
… for sometime as Grant takes more time and “bags” all he can. All things now point to a speedy close of the hard fighting. Official accounts continue to come in of successes all around and the rebels here and well discouraged. Yesterday during a flag of truce the rebs came out and talked with us or our boys. Regretted that we should be fighting and wished ‘twas over with and there are many conscripts here who will not hurt us if they can help it and but for the leaders, ‘twould soon be over with.&#13;
	We can see of the dome of the capitol at J. [Jackson] on a little hill a few steps from here and where I went this A.M. to see the artillery practice. The guns crack away every five minutes. Benjamin’s Battery is playing away but rebs does not reply very often and then over or under shoots.&#13;
	We have learned to be quite indifferent to the din and danger of these things. I tell you these things not to alarm you but that you may know that I am wonderfully spared so far and I see no serious danger near. I take as good care of [my] health as possible and after what I passed through marching here and in the first days work in the woods in front, I gave myself little trouble. &#13;
	We have been able to procure a little corn, some potatoes and I have with a plenty of fresh meat something still to live on.&#13;
	I see by a letter from Mary (at O. [Orange]) that Dr. Willis is dead of diphtheria. This was sudden and a great loss. Jos. Henry was well last Thursday and in good spirits. &#13;
	Goodard, I think, will recover. Do not think it is serious. Went to see him day before yesterday but they are now moved further to the rear.&#13;
	All sorts of stories are in camp about our going North and but I suppose when Jackson [Mississippi] falls we leave for Cincinnati.&#13;
	We have some delay about the mails and you must not allow yourself to worry because you don’t receive letters promptly. I write twice a week. They promise us that this mail will leave promptly. Rec’d a “Journal” from B. and two “Registers”.&#13;
	Alonzo is nicely and writes today to Ellen. Has just left me with some paper, etc. as their baggage was all behind. We came in lightest order. Knapsacks have come up tho all right. &#13;
	Am glad you have the prospect of remaining with Marion. Do…&#13;
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&#13;
NOTE 1: The parts of the letter that follow this page are apparently missing.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE 2: Based on the text, this letter was written in the vicinity of Jackson, Mississippi. &#13;
&#13;
NOTE 3: The “Alonzo” Jerome referred to in his letters was Seth Alonzo Ranlett. Ranlett enlisted in Co. B of the 36th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment as a Private on July 24, 1862, at age 22, and he was from Charlestown, Massachusetts. He was promoted to First Sergeant on August 27, 1862, and was commissioned as a First Lieutenant on December 1, 1862. On December 17, 1862, he was appointed Adjutant of the Regiment. He was mustered out “on account of physical disability from disease incurred in the service” on February 20, 1864.&#13;
Ranlett was born on March 18, 1840, in Charlestown, Massachusetts, and he died May 21, 1905, in Newton, Massachusetts. Ranlett’s wife was Ellen Peirce Ranlett, with a date of birth of March 22, 1842, and a date of death of January 12, 1914. They were married on January 21, 1864. Ellen Peirce was one of the children of Foster Peirce and his wife Catherine Abby Beaman. Also, Foster Peirce was a brother of Jerome. Therefore, the Ellen that Jerome mentions in his letters was one of Jerome’s nieces, and starting on January 21, 1864, Alonzo was the husband of one of his nieces.</text>
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                <text>For educational purposes with no commercial use. Courtesy of National Park Service, Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania NMP, FRSP 16095-16102 (FRSP-00904).</text>
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                <text>7 X 4.3&#13;
7 X 9.3&#13;
7 X 9.3&#13;
Jpg</text>
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                <text>Near Jackson, MS.</text>
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